On 3 October, Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg, the German ambassador to Moscow, Joachim Ribbentrop, announced that the Soviet government was ready to cede the city of Vilnius and its surroundings. On 8 October 1939, a new National Socialist agreement was concluded with an exchange of letters between Vyacheslav Molotov and the German ambassador.   All agreements between german Nationals, German legal entities or German companies, on the one hand, and the governments of states allied to the RSFSR or their national bargaining offices covered by Article 4, as well as the economic consequences of these agreements, are treated in accordance with the state legislation in which they were concluded and falls under the jurisdiction of that State. This provision does not apply to agreements reached before this treaty came into force. There are still wide differences over fishing rights, competition rules for businesses and how an agreement is reached. The joint German-Soviet concerns first led, in May 1921, to the signing of a treaty between the two nations, according to which Germany recognized the Soviet regime as the only legitimate government of Russia and said it was ready to suspend relations with all other groups that still claimed power. This agreement paved the way for future cooperation between the two sides.  By an additional agreement signed in Berlin on 5 November, the treaty was extended to Germany`s relations with the other Soviet republics: Ukraine, Belarus, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan and the Far East Republic. The ratifications were exchanged in Berlin on 26 October 1923 and the additional protocol was included on 18 July 1924 in the league of nations treaty series.  Article 3 Diplomatic and consular relations between the German Empire and the Federalist Socialist Republic of Russia were immediately restored. The admission requirements for consulates of both parties are set by a special agreement. The Soviet Union, which feared western powers and the possibility of “capitalist encirclements”, had little hope of not preventing the war or the Polish army, and it wanted nothing less than an iron military alliance with France and Britain to support a two-way attack on Germany.
 Stalin`s attachment to the collective safety line was therefore purely conditioned.  Britain and France believed that a war could still be avoided and that the Soviet Union, so weakened by the great purge, could not be a major military man.  Many military sources [need clarification] were at odds with the last point, especially after the Soviet victories over the Japanese army of Kavantung in Manchuria.  France was more concerned with finding an agreement with the Soviet Union than Britain was. As a continental power, France was more willing to make concessions and was more afraid of the dangers of an agreement between the Soviet Union and Germany.  The opposing positions partly explain why, in 1939, the Soviets were often accused of playing a double game in conducting open negotiations for an alliance with Great Britain and France, but of secretly considering German proposals.  “As things stand, I cannot tell you whether there will be an agreement or not. But I can tell you that there is now a way to reach an agreement. The path may be very narrow, but it`s there. That is why it is our responsibility to keep trying.
In August 1940, the Soviet Union temporarily suspended its deliveries as part of its trade agreement, after differences over policy in Romania, the Soviet war with Finland, Germany`s relapse in goods deliveries under the pact, and Stalin`s fear that Hitler`s war with the West would end quickly after France signed a ceasefire.  The suspension caused major resource problems for Germany.  At the end of August, relations improved again, as countries redesigned the Hungarian and Romanian borders and settled some Bulgarian demands, and Stalin was again co-sponsored